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    The Poor People's Campaign was motivated by a desire for economic justice: the idea that all people should have what they need to live.

    King and the SCLC shifted their focus to these issues after observing that gains in civil rights had not improved the material conditions of life for many African Americans.

    According to political historians such as Barbara Cruikshank, "the poor" did not particularly conceive of themselves as a unified group until President Lyndon Johnson 's War on Poverty declared in identified them as such.

    Commerce Department, and the Federal Reserve estimated anywhere from 40 to 60 million Americans—or 22 to 33 percent—lived below the poverty line.

    At the same time, the nature of poverty itself was changing as America's population increasingly lived in cities, not farms and could not grow its own food.

    By , the War on Poverty seemed like a failure, neglected by a Johnson administration and Congress that wanted to focus on the Vietnam War and increasingly saw anti-poverty programs as primarily helping African Americans.

    The campaign would help the poor by dramatizing their needs, uniting all races under the commonality of hardship and presenting a plan to start to a solution.

    King said, "We believe the highest patriotism demands the ending of the war and the opening of a bloodless war to final victory over racism and poverty".

    King wanted to bring poor people to Washington, D. People ought to come to Washington, sit down if necessary in the middle of the street and say, 'We are here; we are poor; we don't have any money; you have made us this way The Poor People's Campaign had complex origins.

    King considered bringing poor people to the nation's capital since at least October , when welfare rights activists held a one-day march on the Mall.

    The SCLC resolved to expand its civil rights struggle to include demands for economic justice and to challenge the Vietnam War.

    In response to the anger that led to riots in Newark July 12—17, and Detroit July 23—27, , King and his close confidante, Stanley Levison , wrote a report in August titled "The Crisis in America's Cities" which called for disciplined urban disruption, particularly in Washington: [14] [15].

    To dislocate the functioning of a city without destroying it can be more effective than a riot because it can be longer-lasting, costly to society but not wantonly destructive.

    Moreover, it is more difficult for government to quell it by superior force. Mass civil disobedience can use rage as a constructive and creative force.

    It is purposeless to tell Negroes they should not be enraged when they should be. Indeed, they will be mentally healthier if they do not suppress rage but vent it constructively and use its energy peacefully but forcefully to cripple the operations of an oppressive society.

    Civil disobedience can utilize the militancy wasted in riots to seize clothes or groceries many did not even want. Civil disobedience has never been used on a mass scale in the North.

    It has rarely been seriously organized and resolutely pursued. Too often in the past was it employed incorrectly.

    It was resorted to only when there was an absence of mass support and its purpose was headline-hunting. The exceptions were the massive school boycotts by Northern Negroes.

    They shook educational systems to their roots but they lasted only single days and were never repeated. If they are developed as weekly events at the same time that mass sit-ins are developed inside and at the gates of factories for jobs, and if simultaneously thousands of unemployed youth camp in Washington, as the Bonus Marchers did in the thirties, with these and other practices, without burning a match or firing a gun, the impact of the movement will have earthquake proportions.

    In the Bonus Marches, it was the government that burned down the marchers' shelters when it became confounded by peaceful civil disobedience.

    This is not an easy program to implement. Riots are easier just because they need no organization. To have effect we will have to develop mass disciplined forces that can remain excited and determined without dramatic conflagrations.

    Also in August, Senator Robert F. Kennedy asked Marian Wright Edelman "to tell Dr. King to bring the poor people to Washington to make hunger and poverty visible since the country's attention had turned to the Vietnam War and put poverty and hunger on the back burner.

    Stanley Levison proposed an even more ambitious crusade that modeled itself on the Bonus Army of With King's leadership, the group agreed to organize a civil disobedience campaign in Washington, D.

    King wanted the demonstration to be "nonviolent, but militant, and as dramatic, as dislocative, as disruptive, as attention-getting as the riots without destroying property".

    Bayard Rustin opposed civil disobedience. Other members of the group like Jesse Jackson wanted to pursue other priorities.

    King traveled to Washington in February in order to meet with local activists and prepare the resources necessary to support the campaign.

    Marchers were scheduled to arrive in Washington on May 2. King delivered a speech which identified "a kind of social insanity which could lead to national ruin.

    The media often discouraged those within the movement who were committed to non-violence. Instead of focusing on issues of urban inequality and the interracial efforts concerted to address them, the media concentrated on specific incidences of violence, leadership conflicts and protest tactics.

    King toured a number of cities to raise support for the campaign. King's visits were carefully orchestrated and the media tightly controlled; meetings with militant Black leaders were held behind closed doors.

    He watched a teacher feeding schoolchildren their lunch, consisting only of a slice of apple and some crackers, and was moved to tears.

    A few days after the visit, he spoke at the National Cathedral in Washington, D. I was in Marks, Miss. And I tell you I saw hundreds of black boys and black girls walking the streets with no shoes to wear.

    The SCLC recruited marshals, who came to a training workshop in Atlanta in March then returned home to recruit participants, raise funds, and solicit organizational support.

    Reactions to the campaign were mixed, and some were outright hostile based on their perceptions of King and the SCLC. Campaign leaders recruited across the country, first in the East and South, and then increasingly westward, reaching poor people in Texas and the Southwest, as well as California and the West Coast.

    People of all walks of life came from across the nation. Many volunteers were women and many had been involved in other civil rights protests.

    In one of the campaign's more important recruitment efforts, SCLC hosted about 80 representatives of other poor, often minority groups in Atlanta, with whom the civil rights organization had had little to no relationship up to that point.

    On March 14, , delegates attended the so-called "Minority Group Conference" and discussed the upcoming campaign and whether or not their specific issues would be considered.

    With a skeptical and fast-weakened Cesar Chavez occupied by a farm workers' hunger strike, Reies Tijerina was the most prominent Chicano leader present.

    At the end of a long day, most delegates decided to participate in the campaign, convinced that specific demands that often revolved around land and treaty rights would be honored by campaign organizers.

    The National Welfare Rights Organization and the American Friends Service Committee were key partners in the campaign's organizing, including developing demands, fundraising, and recruitment.

    The American Federation of Teachers promised to set up "freedom schools" for children in the camps; the National Association of Social Workers also said it would help with child care.

    Volunteer advocates from the Peace Corps and VISTA formed a speakers bureau, which helped publicize the campaign and educate outsiders.

    Organizers already in D. The campaign had support from within the organized labor movement, including endorsements by The Daily Worker , United Steelworkers , and Walter Reuther.

    The prospect of an occupation of Washington by thousands of poor people triggered fears of rioting. The Johnson administration prepared for the campaign as though it might attempt a violent takeover of the nation's capital.

    Some members of Congress were outspoken about their fear of the campaign. Democratic Senator Russell B. Long called for the censure of congresspeople whom he accused of "bending the knee" to the campaign, also saying: "When that bunch of marchers comes here, they can just burn the whole place down and we can just move the capital to some place where they enforce the law.

    McClellan , accused the SCLC of attempting to start a riot, and decried a recent court decision that he said would allow marchers "to go to Washington one night and get on welfare the next day", rendering D.

    Richard Nixon , campaigning for the presidential election, asked Congress not to capitulate to the campaigners' demands.

    It also lobbied government officials to oppose King on the grounds that he was a communist, "an instrument in the hands of subversive forces seeking to undermine the nation", and affiliated with "two of the most dedicated and dangerous communists in the country" Stanley Levison and Harry Wachtel.

    The FBI sought to disrupt the campaign by spreading rumors that it was bankrupt, that it would not be safe, and that participants would lose welfare benefits upon returning home.

    TACT held events featuring a Black woman named Julia Brown who claimed to have infiltrated the civil rights movement and exposed its Communist leadership.

    Although King continued to tour to raise support for the marches to Washington, he declared the Memphis strike to be a major part of the campaign itself.

    On March 28, unusual violent incidents in Memphis brought negative media scrutiny to the Poor People's Campaign. King flew back to Memphis on April 3 and was murdered in the evening on April 4.

    The assassination of King dealt a major blow to the campaign, leading to greater emphasis on affirmative action than on race-blind policies such as King's recommendation of basic income in his last book.

    At King's funeral on April 9, , tens of thousands [73] marched through Atlanta with Coretta Scott King —following King's casket on a mule-drawn wagon.

    They resolved to proceed with the campaign after learning that the Memphis strike had ended in relative success. The edition of April 16 Look magazine carried a posthumous article from King titled "Showdown for Nonviolence"—his last statement on the Poor People's Campaign.

    The Committee of was a group formed to lobby for the Poor People's Campaign in advance of the arrival of thousands for Resurrection City. On April 29, , the Committee began lobbying members of Congress and leaders of executive agencies.

    The group, a diverse coalition of different people from around the country, acted as a formal lobby that delivered organized presentations of the campaign's demands.

    His arrest was interpreted as an intentional effort to thwart the campaign. Poor people from around the country made up most of the group.

    Many officials perceived even this group as threatening. The Committee demanded an Economic Bill of Rights with five planks: [81].

    Abernathy defended these demands by highlighting the use of slave labor in the production of America's capital and arguing that historically oppressed populations did not have the same opportunities as whites who already controlled economic and political resources.

    Regarding the last point, Abernathy also made specific call for collective bargaining , invoking King's recent involvement with the Memphis strike.

    The Committee visited several executive agencies to raise awareness and make demands: [82]. The Committee of also lobbied the Senate Committee on Manpower, Employment, and Poverty, which had more direct power to act and appropriate funds.

    The Senate Committee created a new ad hoc poverty committee that met during the Poor People's Campaign occupation. Media reports were mixed on the Committee of Many delegates received the opportunity to tell their stories for the first time, publicly challenging those in power who typically enjoyed automatic access to the media.

    Congress's reaction, as quoted in the media, was hostile. Appropriations chair George H. Mahon suggested that the Committee would be mostly ignored because Congress could not "legislate under threats of violence.

    On June 5, activist Bayard Rustin had drafted an "Economic Bill of Rights," which he published in The New York Times with more specific aims intended to convince the middle class and labor groups to support the action.

    Throughout May, nine major caravans of poor people gathered and prepared to converge on Washington. Most media attention was focused on Mule Train, which departed on May 13 the last to leave from Marks, Mississippi.

    Marshals for many of the caravans were militant young Black men, often affiliated with radical groups like the Memphis Invaders, who had been connected to the outburst of violence in March.

    The FBI gathered copious information including photographs about each caravan, concerning participants, route, finances, and supplies.

    The only incident of police brutality on the march came at Detroit's Cobo Center , where police surrounded a stalled van, provoking a standoff that eventually led to marchers being clubbed and stomped by mounted police.

    On Tuesday, May 21, , thousands of poor people set up a shantytown known as "Resurrection City," which existed for six weeks. The City initially scrambled to build shelters and meet basic needs of its initial residents.

    Many people volunteered to help construct shelters for the campaign's Building and Structures Committee, chaired by University of Maryland architect John Wiebenson.

    The group was, of course, poor to begin with, and had now gambled on survival in a strange environment. The Baltimore Afro-American reported that the camp, receiving a flood of donations and volunteers, had reached a sort of equilibrium by Friday May 24 of that week.

    It also reported the appearance of celebrity visitors, including D. Reports surfaced quickly that some of the young marshals were bullying people, particularly white journalists who had been invited to cover the city.

    SCLC leaders led groups of residents on marches and small excursions in attempts to meet with members of Congress. These actions were mostly uneventful.

    The Community Relations Service sent agents, dubbed the "RC squad", who monitored and assisted the camp, actively endeavoring to sustain its morale.

    FBI surveillance of the campaign also continued with agents posing as journalists and payment of Black informants within the City.

    Thousands of people lived in Resurrection City and in some ways it resembled other cities. Gordon Mantler [] writes:. Resurrection City also became a community with all of the tensions that any society contains: hard work and idleness, order and turmoil, punishment and redemption.

    Businesses flourished inside the tent city's walls, as did street crime. Older men informally talked politics while playing checkers or having their hair cut; others argued in more formal courses and workshops.

    There were unusual problems but there was also unusual dignity. Residents called it "the city where you don't pay taxes, where there's no police brutality and you don't go to jail.

    The makeshift community suffered from multiple violent incidents, including seventeen in one night including assault and robbery. In addition strong arm tactics were used by leaders of the movement to cheat local business out of money.

    The group suffered from political demoralization, conflicts over leadership, racial tension, [] and, always, difficult living conditions.

    People reported discipline problems, attributed to a few problematic residents who continually harassed and abused their neighbors. The camp suffered from the mud produced by continual rain, which at one point created standing water five inches deep.

    The wet and muddy protestors nevertheless made numerous mostly unsuccessful efforts to meet with their members of Congress.

    Resurrection City was stunned when Robert F. Kennedy was assassinated on June 5; many took this second killing as a sign of bad things to come.

    Some marchers, including the grand majority of Chicano activists, chose to live in the Hawthorne School, an alternative high school in D. Not only did the school offer dry conditions, in contrast to Resurrection City, it also witnessed interesting interactions between people of different backgrounds.

    Residents referred to it as a tight-knit community in which cultural exchange flourished between Chicanos, poor Appalachian whites, and other folks escaping the poor weather.

    It was also from Hawthorne where protesters marched to the Supreme Court and held one of the campaign's most captivating protests.

    Opposed to a recent court ruling on native fishing rights, the mostly African-American, Chicano, and Native American protesters pounded on the court's front doors and received considerable media attention.

    A Solidarity Day rally, initially planned for May 30, was postponed by Abernathy, who asked Bayard Rustin to organize the rescheduled event.

    On June 8, however, it was announced that Rustin had been dropped from the Poor People's Campaign following a fallout with Ralph Abernathy, who believed Rustin's proposal for an Economic Bill of Rights ignored many issues important to SCLC's campaign partners, including opposition to the Vietnam War.

    In addition, Walter Reuther , president of the United Auto Workers , gave a speech to the assembled crowd. On Thursday, June 20, police fired several canisters of tear gas into the city—reportedly after members of the Milwaukee NAACP provoked them by throwing rocks.

    Life in the camp had become extremely chaotic. There were reports of vandalism from escaped mental patients. On Sunday, June 23, a white visitor to the camp was beaten, shot in the knee, and robbed.

    When the demonstration's National Park Service permit expired on Sunday, June 23, , some members of the House of Representatives called for immediate removal.

    On June 24, over one thousand [] police officers arrived to clear the camp and its remaining residents. Some had been led by Abernathy to another site for a pre-arranged arrest.

    Broken windows and a fire bomb were also reported. The area was sealed off, a curfew was declared, and Mayor Washington declared a state of emergency.

    An economic bill of rights was never passed, and leaders spoke with regret about the occupation. The campaign did produce some changes, however subtle.

    They included more money for free and reduced lunches for school children and Head Start programs in Mississippi and Alabama. The USDA released surplus commodities to the nation's one-thousand poorest counties, food stamps were expanded, and some federal welfare guidelines were streamlined.

    Marian Wright Edelman formed a network of agency bureaucrats concerned about poverty issues. Nixon continued to make rioting a campaign issue, explicitly seeking the votes of suburban whites, "the nonshouters, the nondemonstrators", by promising increased policing, crackdowns on rioters, and an end to educational integration.

    The Mule Train traveled on and arrived in Chicago for the turbulent Democratic Convention in Chicago, where the demonstrators got caught in the midst of violence in the streets surrounding the convention site.

    The Birmingham campaign was a model of nonviolent direct action protest and, through the media, drew the world's attention to racial segregation in the South.

    It burnished King's reputation, ousted Connor from his job, forced desegregation in Birmingham, and directly paved the way for the Civil Rights Act of which prohibited racial discrimination in hiring practices and public services throughout the United States.

    Birmingham, Alabama was, in , "probably the most thoroughly segregated city in the United States", according to King. Black secretaries could not work for white professionals.

    Jobs available to black workers were limited to manual labor in Birmingham's steel mills, work in household service and yard maintenance, or work in black neighborhoods.

    When layoffs were necessary, black employees were often the first to go. The unemployment rate for black people was two and a half times higher than for white people.

    Significantly lower pay scales for black workers at the local steel mills were common. In addition, Birmingham's economy was stagnating as the city was shifting from blue collar to white collar jobs.

    A neighborhood shared by white and black families experienced so many attacks that it was called "Dynamite Hill". Birmingham's black population began to organize to effect change.

    When the courts overturned the segregation of the city's parks, the city responded by closing them. Shuttlesworth's home was repeatedly bombed, as was Bethel Baptist Church, where he was pastor.

    Hanes responded with a letter informing Shuttlesworth that his petition had been thrown in the garbage. If you win in Birmingham, as Birmingham goes, so goes the nation.

    King and the SCLC had recently been involved in a campaign to desegregate the city of Albany, Georgia , but did not see the results they had anticipated.

    Described by historian Henry Hampton as a "morass", the Albany movement lost momentum and stalled. In Albany, they concentrated on the desegregation of the city as a whole.

    In Birmingham, their campaign tactics focused on more narrowly defined goals for the downtown shopping and government district.

    These goals included the desegregation of Birmingham's downtown stores, fair hiring practices in shops and city employment, the reopening of public parks, and the creation of a bi-racial committee to oversee the desegregation of Birmingham's public schools.

    A significant factor in the success of the Birmingham campaign was the structure of the city government and the personality of its contentious Commissioner of Public Safety, Eugene "Bull" Connor.

    Described as an "arch-segregationist" by Time magazine, Connor asserted that the city "ain't gonna segregate no niggers and whites together in this town [ sic ]".

    In , police arrested ministers organizing a bus boycott. When the Federal Bureau of Investigation FBI initiated a probe amid allegations of police misconduct for the arrests, Connor responded that he "[hadn't] got any damn apology to the FBI or anybody else", and predicted, "If the North keeps trying to cram this thing [desegregation] down our throats, there's going to be bloodshed.

    The Birmingham Fire Department interrupted such meetings to search for "phantom fire hazards". President John F. He's helped it as much as Abraham Lincoln.

    Turmoil in the mayor's office also weakened the Birmingham city government in its opposition to the campaign. Connor, who had run for several elected offices in the months leading up to the campaign, had lost all but the race for Public Safety Commissioner.

    Because they believed Connor's extreme conservatism slowed progress for the city as a whole, a group of white political moderates worked to defeat him.

    In November , Connor lost the race for mayor to Albert Boutwell , a less combative segregationist. However, Connor and his colleagues on the City Commission refused to accept the new mayor's authority.

    So for a brief time, Birmingham had two city governments attempting to conduct business. Modeled on the Montgomery bus boycott , protest actions in Birmingham began in , when students from local colleges arranged for a year of staggered boycotts.

    The result, however, was a black community more motivated to resist. The SCLC decided that economic pressure on Birmingham businesses would be more effective than pressure on politicians, a lesson learned in Albany as few black citizens were registered to vote in In the spring of , before Easter, the Birmingham boycott intensified during the second-busiest shopping season of the year.

    Pastors urged their congregations to avoid shopping in Birmingham stores in the downtown district.

    For six weeks supporters of the boycott patrolled the downtown area to make sure black shoppers were not patronizing stores that promoted or tolerated segregation.

    If black shoppers were found in these stores, organizers confronted them and shamed them into participating in the boycott.

    Campaign participant Joe Dickson recalled, "We had to go under strict surveillance. We had to tell people, say look: if you go downtown and buy something, you're going to have to answer to us.

    A local black attorney complained in Time that the new city administration did not have enough time to confer with the various groups invested in changing the city's segregation policies.

    Gaston agreed. Protest organizers knew they would meet with violence from the Birmingham Police Department and chose a confrontational approach to get the attention of the federal government.

    Organizers believed their phones were tapped , so to prevent their plans from being leaked and perhaps influencing the mayoral election, they used code words for demonstrations.

    The plan called for direct nonviolent action to attract media attention to "the biggest and baddest city of the South". He surveyed the segregated lunch counters of department stores, and listed federal buildings as secondary targets should police block the protesters' entrance into primary targets such as stores, libraries, and all-white churches.

    The campaign used a variety of nonviolent methods of confrontation, including sit-ins at libraries and lunch counters, kneel-ins by black visitors at white churches, and a march to the county building to mark the beginning of a voter-registration drive.

    Most businesses responded by refusing to serve demonstrators. Some white spectators at a sit-in at a Woolworth's lunch counter spat upon the participants.

    The SCLC's goals were to fill the jails with protesters to force the city government to negotiate as demonstrations continued. However, not enough people were arrested to affect the functioning of the city and the wisdom of the plans were being questioned in the black community.

    The editor of The Birmingham World , the city's black newspaper, called the direct actions by the demonstrators "wasteful and worthless", and urged black citizens to use the courts to change the city's racist policies.

    White religious leaders denounced King and the other organizers, saying that "a cause should be pressed in the courts and the negotiations among local leaders, and not in the streets".

    When one black woman entered Loveman's department store to buy her children Easter shoes, a white saleswoman said to her, "Negro, ain't you ashamed of yourself, your people out there on the street getting put in jail and you in here spending money and I'm not going to sell you any, you'll have to go some other place.

    Fred Shuttlesworth called the injunction a "flagrant denial of our constitutional rights" and organizers prepared to defy the order.

    The decision to ignore the injunction had been made during the planning stage of the campaign. Connor promised, "You can rest assured that I will fill the jail full of any persons violating the law as long as I'm at City Hall.

    The movement organizers found themselves out of money after the amount of required bail was raised. Because King was the major fundraiser, his associates urged him to travel the country to raise bail money for those arrested.

    He had, however, previously promised to lead the marchers to jail in solidarity, but hesitated as the planned date arrived.

    Some SCLC members grew frustrated with his indecisiveness. To build morale and to recruit volunteers to go to jail, Ralph Abernathy spoke at a mass meeting of Birmingham's black citizens at the 6th Avenue Baptist Church: "The eyes of the world are on Birmingham tonight.

    The Department of Justice is looking at Birmingham. Are you ready, are you ready to make the challenge? I am ready to go to jail, are you?

    It was King's 13th arrest. When historian Jonathan Bass wrote of the incident in , he noted that news of King's incarceration was spread quickly by Wyatt Tee Walker, as planned.

    King's supporters sent telegrams about his arrest to the White House. He could have been released on bail at any time, and jail administrators wished him to be released as soon as possible to avoid the media attention while King was in custody.

    However, campaign organizers offered no bail in order "to focus the attention of the media and national public opinion on the Birmingham situation".

    When Coretta Scott King did not hear from her husband, she called Walker and he suggested that she call President Kennedy directly.

    King was recuperating at home after the birth of their fourth child when she received a call from President Kennedy the Monday after the arrest.

    The president told her she could expect a call from her husband soon. When Martin Luther King Jr. Using scraps of paper given to him by a janitor, notes written on the margins of a newspaper, and later a legal pad given to him by SCLC attorneys, King wrote his essay " Letter from Birmingham Jail ".

    It responded to eight politically moderate white clergymen who accused King of agitating local residents and not giving the incoming mayor a chance to make any changes.

    Bass suggested that "Letter from Birmingham Jail" was pre-planned, as was every move King and his associates made in Birmingham.

    The essay was a culmination of many of King's ideas, which he had touched on in earlier writings. After King's arrest, the chains' profits began to erode.

    National business owners pressed the Kennedy administration to intervene. King was released on April 20, Despite the publicity surrounding King's arrest, the campaign was faltering because few demonstrators were willing to risk arrest.

    After initiating the idea he organized and educated the students in nonviolence tactics and philosophy. King hesitated to approve the use of children, [59] but Bevel believed that children were appropriate for the demonstrations because jail time for them would not hurt families economically as much as the loss of a working parent.

    He also saw that adults in the black community were divided about how much support to give the protests. Bevel and the organizers knew that high school students were a more cohesive group; they had been together as classmates since kindergarten.

    He recruited girls who were school leaders and boys who were athletes. Bevel found girls more receptive to his ideas because they had less experience as victims of white violence.

    When the girls joined, however, the boys were close behind. Bevel and the SCLC held workshops to help students overcome their fear of dogs and jails.

    They showed films of the Nashville sit-ins organized in to end segregation at public lunch counters. Birmingham's black radio station, WENN , supported the new plan by telling students to arrive at the demonstration meeting place with a toothbrush to be used in jail.

    On May 2, , 7th grader Gwendolyn Sanders helped organize her classmates, and hundreds of kids from high schoolers down to first graders who joined her in a massive walkout defying the principal of Parker High School who attempted to lock the gates to keep students inside.

    Marching in disciplined ranks, some of them using walkie-talkies , they were sent at timed intervals from various churches to the downtown business area.

    Children left the churches while singing hymns and "freedom songs" such as " We Shall Overcome ". They clapped and laughed while being arrested and awaiting transport to jail.

    The mood was compared to that of a school picnic. When no squad cars were left to block the city streets, Connor, whose authority extended to the fire department, used fire trucks.

    The day's arrests brought the total number of jailed protesters to 1, in the capacity Birmingham jail. Kennedy , who condemned the decision to use children in the protests.

    King, who had been silent and then out of town while Bevel was organizing the children, was impressed by the success of the children's protests.

    That evening he declared at a mass meeting, "I have been inspired and moved by today. I have never seen anything like it.

    When Connor realized that the Birmingham jail was full, on May 3 he changed police tactics to keep protesters out of the downtown business area. Another thousand students gathered at the church and left to walk across Kelly Ingram Park while chanting, "We're going to walk, walk, walk.

    Boys' shirts were ripped off, and girls were pushed over the tops of cars by the force of the water.

    When the students crouched or fell, the blasts of water rolled them down the asphalt streets and concrete sidewalks.

    I want 'em to see the dogs work. Gaston, who was appalled at the idea of using children, was on the phone with white attorney David Vann trying to negotiate a resolution to the crisis.

    When Gaston looked out the window and saw the children being hit with high-pressure water, he said, "Lawyer Vann, I can't talk to you now or ever.

    My people are out there fighting for their lives and my freedom. I have to go help them", and hung up the phone.

    To disperse them, Connor ordered police to use German shepherd dogs to keep them in line. James Bevel wove in and out of the crowds warning them, "If any cops get hurt, we're going to lose this fight.

    During a kind of truce , protesters went home. Police removed the barricades and re-opened the streets to traffic.

    The eyes of the world are on Birmingham. We're going on in spite of dogs and fire hoses. We've gone too far to turn back now. The images had a profound effect in Birmingham.

    Despite decades of disagreements, when the photos were released, "the black community was instantaneously consolidated behind King", according to David Vann, who would later serve as mayor of Birmingham.

    Javits declared, "the country won't tolerate it", and pressed Congress to pass a civil rights bill. The authorities who tried, by these brutal means, to stop the freedom marchers do not speak or act in the name of the enlightened people of the city.

    Marshall faced a stalemate when merchants and protest organizers refused to budge. Black onlookers in the area of Kelly Ingram Park abandoned nonviolence on May 5.

    Spectators taunted police, and SCLC leaders begged them to be peaceful or go home. James Bevel borrowed a bullhorn from the police and shouted, "Everybody get off this corner.

    If you're not going to demonstrate in a nonviolent way, then leave! By May 6, the jails were so full that Connor transformed the stockade at the state fairgrounds into a makeshift jail to hold protesters.

    Black protestors arrived at white churches to integrate services. They were accepted in Roman Catholic , Episcopal , and Presbyterian churches but turned away at others, where they knelt and prayed until they were arrested.

    Singer Joan Baez arrived to perform for free at Miles College and stayed at the black-owned and integrated Gaston Motel.

    Flagg worked at Channel 6 on the morning show, and after asking her producers why the show was not covering the demonstrations, she received orders never to mention them on air.

    She rolled down the window and shouted to the children, "I'm with you all the way! Birmingham's fire department refused orders from Connor to turn the hoses on demonstrators again, [88] and waded through the basement of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church to clean up water from earlier fire-hose flooding.

    Protest organizers disagreed, saying that business leaders were positioned to pressure political leaders. The situation reached a crisis on May 7, Breakfast in the jail took four hours to distribute to all the prisoners.

    Twenty rabbis flew to Birmingham to support the cause, equating silence about segregation to the atrocities of the Holocaust.

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    Mahon suggested that the Committee would be mostly ignored because Congress could not "legislate under threats of violence.

    On June 5, activist Bayard Rustin had drafted an "Economic Bill of Rights," which he published in The New York Times with more specific aims intended to convince the middle class and labor groups to support the action.

    Throughout May, nine major caravans of poor people gathered and prepared to converge on Washington. Most media attention was focused on Mule Train, which departed on May 13 the last to leave from Marks, Mississippi.

    Marshals for many of the caravans were militant young Black men, often affiliated with radical groups like the Memphis Invaders, who had been connected to the outburst of violence in March.

    The FBI gathered copious information including photographs about each caravan, concerning participants, route, finances, and supplies.

    The only incident of police brutality on the march came at Detroit's Cobo Center , where police surrounded a stalled van, provoking a standoff that eventually led to marchers being clubbed and stomped by mounted police.

    On Tuesday, May 21, , thousands of poor people set up a shantytown known as "Resurrection City," which existed for six weeks. The City initially scrambled to build shelters and meet basic needs of its initial residents.

    Many people volunteered to help construct shelters for the campaign's Building and Structures Committee, chaired by University of Maryland architect John Wiebenson.

    The group was, of course, poor to begin with, and had now gambled on survival in a strange environment. The Baltimore Afro-American reported that the camp, receiving a flood of donations and volunteers, had reached a sort of equilibrium by Friday May 24 of that week.

    It also reported the appearance of celebrity visitors, including D. Reports surfaced quickly that some of the young marshals were bullying people, particularly white journalists who had been invited to cover the city.

    SCLC leaders led groups of residents on marches and small excursions in attempts to meet with members of Congress.

    These actions were mostly uneventful. The Community Relations Service sent agents, dubbed the "RC squad", who monitored and assisted the camp, actively endeavoring to sustain its morale.

    FBI surveillance of the campaign also continued with agents posing as journalists and payment of Black informants within the City.

    Thousands of people lived in Resurrection City and in some ways it resembled other cities. Gordon Mantler [] writes:. Resurrection City also became a community with all of the tensions that any society contains: hard work and idleness, order and turmoil, punishment and redemption.

    Businesses flourished inside the tent city's walls, as did street crime. Older men informally talked politics while playing checkers or having their hair cut; others argued in more formal courses and workshops.

    There were unusual problems but there was also unusual dignity. Residents called it "the city where you don't pay taxes, where there's no police brutality and you don't go to jail.

    The makeshift community suffered from multiple violent incidents, including seventeen in one night including assault and robbery. In addition strong arm tactics were used by leaders of the movement to cheat local business out of money.

    The group suffered from political demoralization, conflicts over leadership, racial tension, [] and, always, difficult living conditions.

    People reported discipline problems, attributed to a few problematic residents who continually harassed and abused their neighbors.

    The camp suffered from the mud produced by continual rain, which at one point created standing water five inches deep. The wet and muddy protestors nevertheless made numerous mostly unsuccessful efforts to meet with their members of Congress.

    Resurrection City was stunned when Robert F. Kennedy was assassinated on June 5; many took this second killing as a sign of bad things to come.

    Some marchers, including the grand majority of Chicano activists, chose to live in the Hawthorne School, an alternative high school in D.

    Not only did the school offer dry conditions, in contrast to Resurrection City, it also witnessed interesting interactions between people of different backgrounds.

    Residents referred to it as a tight-knit community in which cultural exchange flourished between Chicanos, poor Appalachian whites, and other folks escaping the poor weather.

    It was also from Hawthorne where protesters marched to the Supreme Court and held one of the campaign's most captivating protests. Opposed to a recent court ruling on native fishing rights, the mostly African-American, Chicano, and Native American protesters pounded on the court's front doors and received considerable media attention.

    A Solidarity Day rally, initially planned for May 30, was postponed by Abernathy, who asked Bayard Rustin to organize the rescheduled event.

    On June 8, however, it was announced that Rustin had been dropped from the Poor People's Campaign following a fallout with Ralph Abernathy, who believed Rustin's proposal for an Economic Bill of Rights ignored many issues important to SCLC's campaign partners, including opposition to the Vietnam War.

    In addition, Walter Reuther , president of the United Auto Workers , gave a speech to the assembled crowd. On Thursday, June 20, police fired several canisters of tear gas into the city—reportedly after members of the Milwaukee NAACP provoked them by throwing rocks.

    Life in the camp had become extremely chaotic. There were reports of vandalism from escaped mental patients. On Sunday, June 23, a white visitor to the camp was beaten, shot in the knee, and robbed.

    When the demonstration's National Park Service permit expired on Sunday, June 23, , some members of the House of Representatives called for immediate removal.

    On June 24, over one thousand [] police officers arrived to clear the camp and its remaining residents. Some had been led by Abernathy to another site for a pre-arranged arrest.

    Broken windows and a fire bomb were also reported. The area was sealed off, a curfew was declared, and Mayor Washington declared a state of emergency.

    An economic bill of rights was never passed, and leaders spoke with regret about the occupation. The campaign did produce some changes, however subtle.

    They included more money for free and reduced lunches for school children and Head Start programs in Mississippi and Alabama. The USDA released surplus commodities to the nation's one-thousand poorest counties, food stamps were expanded, and some federal welfare guidelines were streamlined.

    Marian Wright Edelman formed a network of agency bureaucrats concerned about poverty issues. Nixon continued to make rioting a campaign issue, explicitly seeking the votes of suburban whites, "the nonshouters, the nondemonstrators", by promising increased policing, crackdowns on rioters, and an end to educational integration.

    The Mule Train traveled on and arrived in Chicago for the turbulent Democratic Convention in Chicago, where the demonstrators got caught in the midst of violence in the streets surrounding the convention site.

    In , a Poor People's Campaign delegation, including Abernathy, met with President Nixon and asked him to address hunger and malnutrition.

    They provide clothes and household items to anyone who needs them at Direct Action events throughout the city.

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article is about the US anti-poverty campaign. This article is written like a personal reflection, personal essay, or argumentative essay that states a Wikipedia editor's personal feelings or presents an original argument about a topic.

    Please help improve it by rewriting it in an encyclopedic style. April Learn how and when to remove this template message. Washington, D. Civil Rights Movement in Washington D.

    John R. Thompson Co. Bolling v. Sharpe 23rd Constitutional Amendment. Documents obtained through the Freedom of Information Act show how the FBI seeded a news story about jealousy and resentment between the Poor People's Campaign and a friendly group of Quakers, in an attempt to drive the two groups apart.

    During this era poor people joined forces to protest their condition and the government's failure to help them and at the same time fostered a sense of pride and dignity in being poor.

    The White House's earlier boastful assurances of 'guns and butter' was proving a cruel hoax. Johnson's civil rights bill containing the strong open housing title died in the Senate, largely because the White House, distracted by the Vietnam War, never bothered to lobby the leaders of the political opposition in the upper house.

    Before the year ended the Congress slashed the budget of the Office of Economic Opportunity, reducing the War on Poverty funds by half a billion dollars New York, NY: G.

    Putnam's Sons, April 8, To The Mountaintop. The Nation. Retrieved July 19, Quoted in Wright, Unfinished Business , p.

    Philadelphia Tribune, February 21, National Public Radio, Inc. Retrieved February 26, We're coming to Washington in a poor people's campaign New York: Metropolitan Books.

    Bernard Lafayette, Jr. Faculty Biographies. Emory University. Retrieved April 4, Baltimore Afro-American.

    Apsey, Chairman of the Quaker Project on Community Conflict, initiated the idea for the pledge and outlined the reasons why PPC participants should remain non-violent.

    SCLC used Apsey's pledge word for word. Participants who signed the pledge vowed to commit themselves to be nonviolent, to avoid abusive or hostile language, to not resist arrest, and 'to obey the instruction of official Campaign marshals at all times.

    Meanwhile, local white liberals had turned their efforts and their money to anti-war activities. Wright, Unfinished Business , pp.

    The Spokesman-Review. March 24, Retrieved October 4, Palm Beach Post. April 13, The Bureau used the mass media and delivered speeches in the D.

    May 25, Retrieved September 18, Congress held hearings. The D. Police Department developed extensive antiriot plans. Many Kennedy-Johnson government liberals acted no differently than as if they had signed on as outriders in Hoover's private war against King and the poor people's movement.

    New York Times. April 26, Senator Russell B. Long, Democrat of Louisiana, said today that he would call for the censure or expulsion of any member of Congress who advocated 'bending the knee' to demands of Negro leaders planning a massive demonstration—the Poor People's Campaign—here next month.

    By May Pentagon planners were ready to deploy 20, regular army troops in 'a steady stream' into the capital over a hour period, the first 5, within six hours after notification.

    Hoover and his executive officers used every opportunity to intensify the siege mentality gripping the federal government as it prepared for the army of the poor converging on the nation's capital.

    DeLoach , routinely briefed members of Congress on the material in the King monograph. Dodd D-Conn.

    The nature of the information in their files included past and current political activities as well as personal matters and trivia; virtually all of the intelligence was unrelated to criminal or violent activity.

    Fears of economic reprisal and personal safety' were calculated to dissuade potential participants. The rumored threat that government welfare checks would be cancelled if recipients of federal assistance showed up in Washington was especially targeted at the South's black population.

    All FBI field offices involved in project POCAM were directed to shape their own distinctive campaigns according to what would play best in their respective locales.

    Several days before the SCLC leader was scheduled to visit the capital of the Old Confederacy, TACT planned to sponsor a public lecture in Richmond by a Julia Brown, who would speak about the Communist penetration of the civil rights movement and especially King's links to the American Communist party.

    Brown was billed in the Birchite advance publicity as a derring-do black patriot and 'secret operative' who had infiltrated the civil rights movement for the FBI and had witnessed the machinations of the Communist conspiracy to use the movement to undermine the American social order.

    McKnight, Last Crusade , pp. There is good reason to conjecture that the FBI's inaction on March 28 in the face of threatened mayhem was a deliberate decision on the part of bureau agents.

    King led some , people, including presidential aspirants and top religious, civic, and labor leaders from cross the land; civil rights leaders, ministers, and sanitation workers also attended.

    An old wooden carriage drawn by mules, symbolizing the Poor People's Campaign, pulled King's body through the streets to his resting place.

    With the preliminaries out of the way, the SCLC leadership, contrary to the original plans, opted to make Resurrection City the focal point of the Poor People's Campaign.

    Martin Luther. Look 32 8 , pp. Government officials tended to perceive the visits as threats rather than rational meetings to discuss serious societal problems.

    Other specific reforms responded to social workers intrusions into poor people's lives, restrictions on their family structure, and limitations on their personal relationships.

    They demanded the elimination of the patriarchal 'man in the house' rule, payment for appeal lawyers and continuation of welfare payments until rulings were decided, as well as more aggressive enforcement of civil rights requirements, particularly 'courteous treatment of applicants and recipients and the uniform use of courtesy titles in addressing them.

    Instead of responding to the group's demands, Weaver complained about the erratic nature of the Committee of 's visit Archived from the original on March 8, Archived from the original on September 24, See McKnight, Last Crusade , p.

    Said D'Alesandro, "Whatever we can do to make your stay a comfortable one, just call on us. Baltimore Afro-American , May 25, , p.

    Cornell University Press. Retrieved October 25, Bonham Daily Favorite. May 27, Montreal Gazette. May 29, Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Stark The Times-News.

    Toledo Blade. June 20, Lodi News-Sentinel. June 24, Milwaukee Journal. Press Dispatches. I want 'em to see the dogs work. Gaston, who was appalled at the idea of using children, was on the phone with white attorney David Vann trying to negotiate a resolution to the crisis.

    When Gaston looked out the window and saw the children being hit with high-pressure water, he said, "Lawyer Vann, I can't talk to you now or ever.

    My people are out there fighting for their lives and my freedom. I have to go help them", and hung up the phone. To disperse them, Connor ordered police to use German shepherd dogs to keep them in line.

    James Bevel wove in and out of the crowds warning them, "If any cops get hurt, we're going to lose this fight. During a kind of truce , protesters went home.

    Police removed the barricades and re-opened the streets to traffic. The eyes of the world are on Birmingham. We're going on in spite of dogs and fire hoses.

    We've gone too far to turn back now. The images had a profound effect in Birmingham. Despite decades of disagreements, when the photos were released, "the black community was instantaneously consolidated behind King", according to David Vann, who would later serve as mayor of Birmingham.

    Javits declared, "the country won't tolerate it", and pressed Congress to pass a civil rights bill. The authorities who tried, by these brutal means, to stop the freedom marchers do not speak or act in the name of the enlightened people of the city.

    Marshall faced a stalemate when merchants and protest organizers refused to budge. Black onlookers in the area of Kelly Ingram Park abandoned nonviolence on May 5.

    Spectators taunted police, and SCLC leaders begged them to be peaceful or go home. James Bevel borrowed a bullhorn from the police and shouted, "Everybody get off this corner.

    If you're not going to demonstrate in a nonviolent way, then leave! By May 6, the jails were so full that Connor transformed the stockade at the state fairgrounds into a makeshift jail to hold protesters.

    Black protestors arrived at white churches to integrate services. They were accepted in Roman Catholic , Episcopal , and Presbyterian churches but turned away at others, where they knelt and prayed until they were arrested.

    Singer Joan Baez arrived to perform for free at Miles College and stayed at the black-owned and integrated Gaston Motel.

    Flagg worked at Channel 6 on the morning show, and after asking her producers why the show was not covering the demonstrations, she received orders never to mention them on air.

    She rolled down the window and shouted to the children, "I'm with you all the way! Birmingham's fire department refused orders from Connor to turn the hoses on demonstrators again, [88] and waded through the basement of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church to clean up water from earlier fire-hose flooding.

    Protest organizers disagreed, saying that business leaders were positioned to pressure political leaders. The situation reached a crisis on May 7, Breakfast in the jail took four hours to distribute to all the prisoners.

    Twenty rabbis flew to Birmingham to support the cause, equating silence about segregation to the atrocities of the Holocaust.

    Fire hoses were used once again, injuring police and Fred Shuttlesworth, as well as other demonstrators. Commissioner Connor expressed regret at missing seeing Shuttlesworth get hit and said he "wished they'd carried him away in a hearse".

    News of the mass arrests of children had reached Western Europe and the Soviet Union. Soviet news commentary accused the Kennedy administration of neglect and "inactivity".

    No business of any kind was being conducted downtown. Organizers planned to flood the downtown area businesses with black people. Smaller groups of decoys were set out to distract police attention from activities at the 16th Street Baptist Church.

    Protesters set off false fire alarms to occupy the fire department and its hoses. Large groups of protesters sat in stores and sang freedom songs.

    Streets, sidewalks, stores, and buildings were overwhelmed with more than 3, protesters. Political leaders held fast, however.

    The rift between the businessmen and the politicians became clear when business leaders admitted they could not guarantee the protesters' release from jail.

    Those in jail would be released on bond or their own recognizance. On the night of May 11, a bomb heavily damaged the Gaston Motel where King had been staying—and had left only hours before—and another damaged the house of A.

    King , Martin Luther King Jr. When police went to inspect the motel, they were met with rocks and bottles from neighborhood black citizens.

    The arrival of state troopers only further angered the crowd; in the early hours of the morning, thousands of black people rioted, numerous buildings and vehicles were burned, and several people, including a police officer, were stabbed.

    Upon picking up his last paycheck, Bull Connor remarked tearfully, "This is the worst day of my life. Desegregation in Birmingham took place slowly after the demonstrations.

    King and the SCLC were criticized by some for ending the campaign with promises that were too vague and "settling for a lot less than even moderate demands".

    Some of the lunch counters in department stores complied with the new rules. City parks and golf courses were opened again to black and white citizens.

    Mayor Boutwell appointed a biracial committee to discuss further changes. However, no hiring of black clerks, police officers, and firefighters had yet been completed and the Birmingham Bar Association rejected membership by black attorneys.

    The reputation of Martin Luther King Jr. The Birmingham campaign, as well as George Wallace's refusal to admit black students to the University of Alabama , convinced President Kennedy to address the severe inequalities between black and white citizens in the South: "The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased cries for equality that no city or state or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them.

    Wilkins gave credit to other movements, such as the Freedom Rides , the integration of the University of Mississippi , and campaigns to end public school segregation.

    Birmingham's public schools were integrated in September Governor Wallace sent National Guard troops to keep black students out but President Kennedy reversed Wallace by ordering the troops to stand down.

    Someone threw a tear gas canister into Loveman's department store when it complied with the desegregation agreement; twenty people in the store required hospital treatment.

    On September 15, , Birmingham again earned international attention when Ku Klux Klan members bombed the 16th Street Baptist Church on a Sunday morning and killed four young girls.

    He had been organizing demonstrations similar to those in Birmingham to pressure Jackson's city government. Historian Glenn Eskew wrote that the campaign "led to an awakening to the evils of segregation and a need for reforms in the region.

    Wyatt Tee Walker wrote that the Birmingham campaign was "legend" and had become the Civil Rights Movement's most important chapter. It was "the chief watershed of the nonviolent movement in the United States.

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. American civil rights campaign in Alabama. High school students are hit by a high-pressure water jet from a fire hose during a peaceful walk in Birmingham, Alabama in As photographed by Charles Moore , images like this one, printed in Life , galvanized global support for the demonstrators.

    Birmingham, Alabama and Kelly Ingram Park. Birmingham campaign. Civil Rights Movement in Alabama. Alabama United States v.

    Wallace Hamilton v. Birmingham Board of Education Birmingham sit-ins Armstrong v. Birmingham Board of Education Gober v.

    McClung Shuttlesworth v. Sullivan Selma to Montgomery marches U. Montgomery County Board of Ed. Smith v. Young Men's Christian Association Gilmore v.

    Lee v. Main article: Bull Connor. Main article: Letter from Birmingham Jail. Main article: Children's Crusade Further information: Birmingham riot of Retrieved Lowery; John F.

    Marszalek; Thomas Adams Upchurch, eds. Greenwood Press. The Washington Post. March 23, Census of Population and Housing Birmingham Alabama Public Library.

    Archived from the original on January 21, Civil Rights Movement Veterans. Archived from the original on Supreme Court Birmingham Civil Rights Institute Online.

    Archived from the original QuickTime on American Sociological Review. American Sociological Association.

    Newsweek : Dictionary of American Biography Supplement 9: — ed. Charles Scribner's Sons. Newsweek : 28, The term "Children's Crusade" has a notable history, originating from the Children's Crusade.

    The New York Times. Jewish Telegraphic Agency. May 9, Retrieved April 11, The Nobel Foundation. Encyclopedia of Alabama.

    Rowe Jr. Freedom riders: and the struggle for racial justice. Oxford University Press. Civil Rights Movement s and s.

    Painter McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents Baton Rouge bus boycott. Brown v. Board of Education Bolling v.

    Sharpe Briggs v. Elliott Davis v. Belton Sarah Keys v. Lightfoot Boynton v. Virginia Rock Hill sit-ins Robert F. Augustine movement.

    Cobb Jr. King C. Martin Luther King Sr. Moore Douglas E. Moore Harriette Moore Harry T. Smiley A. James Zwerg. Ferguson Separate but equal Buchanan v.

    Warley Hocutt v. Wilson Sweatt v. Painter Hernandez v. Texas Heart of Atlanta Motel, Inc.

    Long called for the censure of congresspeople whom he accused of "bending the knee" to the campaign, also saying: "When that bunch of marchers comes here, they can No Deposit Bonus Code For Club Player Casino burn the whole place down and we can just move Campaign Deutsch capital to some place where they enforce the law. Documents obtained through the Freedom of Information Act show how the FBI seeded a news story about jealousy and resentment between the Poor People's Campaign Casino Lubeck Programm a friendly group of Quakers, in an attempt to drive the two groups apart. During this era poor people joined forces to protest their condition and the government's failure to help them and at the same time fostered a sense of pride and dignity in being poor. The Johnson administration prepared for the campaign as though it might attempt a violent takeover of the nation's capital. No business of Gratis Schnapsen Ohne Anmeldung kind Pokerspieler Werden being conducted downtown. When historian Jonathan Bass wrote of the incident inhe noted that news of King's incarceration was spread quickly by Wyatt Tee Walker, as planned.

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